Getting to Know America
The Project for the New American Century
(This project has defined the parameters of the foreign policy of the Bush Administration. While the Bush policies in the Middle East are seen to be unravelling, there is a debate in America whether its objectives are ill conceived or only the strategy. The following paper helps understand which is the case). Editor
By William Rivers Pitt
The Project for the New American Century, or PNAC, is a Washington-based think
tank created in 1997. Above all else, PNAC desires and demands one thing: The
establishment of a global American empire to bend the will of all nations. They
chafe at the idea that the United States, the last remaining superpower, does
not do more by way of economic and military force to bring the rest of the world
under the umbrella of a new socio-economic Pax Americana.
The fundamental essence of PNAC's ideology can be found in a White Paper
produced in September of 2000 entitled "Rebuilding America's Defenses:
Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century." In it, PNAC outlines
what is required of America to create the global empire they envision. According
to PNAC, America must:
· Reposition permanently based forces to Southern Europe, Southeast Asia and
the Middle East;
· Modernize U.S. forces, including enhancing our fighter aircraft, submarine
and surface fleet capabilities;
· Develop and deploy a global missile defence system, and develop a strategic
dominance of space;
· Control the "International Commons" of cyberspace;
· Increase defence spending to a minimum of 3.8 percent of gross domestic
product, up from the 3 percent currently spent.
Most ominously, this PNAC document described four "Core Missions" for
the American military. The two central requirements are for American forces to
"fight and decisively win multiple, simultaneous major theatre wars,"
and to "perform the 'constabulary' duties associated with shaping the
security environment in critical regions." Note well that PNAC does not
want America to be prepared to fight simultaneous major wars. That is old
school. In order to bring this plan to fruition, the military must fight these
wars one way or the other to establish American dominance for all to see.
Why is this important? After all, wacky think tanks are a cottage industry in
Washington, DC. They are a dime a dozen. In what way does PNAC stand above the
other groups that would set American foreign policy if they could? Two events
brought PNAC into the mainstream of American government: the disputed election
of George W. Bush, and the attacks of September 11th. When Bush assumed the
Presidency, the men who created and nurtured the imperial dreams of PNAC became
the men who run the Pentagon, the Defense Department and the White House. When
the Towers came down, these men saw, at long last, their chance to turn their
White Papers into substantive policy.
Vice President Dick Cheney is a founding member of PNAC, along with Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Defense Policy Board chairman Richard Perle.
Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz is the ideological father of the group.
Bruce Jackson, a PNAC director, served as a Pentagon official for Ronald Reagan
before leaving government service to take a leading position with the weapons
manufacturer Lockheed Martin.
PNAC is staffed by men who previously served with groups like Friends of the
Democratic Centre in Central America, which supported America's bloody
gamesmanship in Nicaragua and El Salvador, and with groups like The Committee
for the Present Danger, which spent years advocating that a nuclear war with the
Soviet Union was "winnable."
PNAC has recently given birth to a new group, The Committee for the Liberation
of Iraq, which met with National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice in order to
formulate a plan to "educate" the American populace about the need for
war in Iraq. CLI has funnelled millions of taxpayer dollars to support the Iraqi
National Congress and the Iraqi heir presumptive, Ahmed Chalabi. Chalabi was
sentenced in absentia by a Jordanian court in 1992 to 22 years in prison for
bank fraud after the collapse of Petra Bank, which he founded in 1977. Chalabi
has not set foot in Iraq since 1956, but his Enron-like business credentials
apparently make him a good match for the Bush administration's plans.
PNAC's "Rebuilding America's Defenses" report is the
institutionalization of plans and ideologies that have been formulated for
decades by the men currently running American government. The PNAC Statement of
Principles is signed by Cheney, Wolfowitz and Rumsfeld, as well as by Eliot
Abrams, Jeb Bush, Bush's Ambassador to Afghanistan and now Iraq, Zalmay
Khalilzad, and many others. William Kristol, famed conservative writer for the
Weekly Standard, is also a co-founder of the group. The Weekly Standard is owned
by Ruppert Murdoch, who also owns international media giant Fox News.
The desire for these freshly empowered PNAC men to extend American hegemony by
force of arms across the globe has been there since day one of the Bush
Administration, and is in no small part a central reason for the Florida
electoral battle in 2000. Note that while many have said that Gore and Bush are
ideologically identical, Mr. Gore had no ties whatsoever to the fellows at PNAC.
George W. Bush had to win that election by any means necessary, and PNAC
signatory Jeb Bush was in the perfect position to ensure the rise to prominence
of his fellow imperialists. Desire for such action, however, is by no means
translatable into workable policy. Americans enjoy their comforts, but don't
cotton to the idea of being some sort of Neo-Rome.
On September 11th, the fellows from PNAC saw a door of opportunity open wide
before them, and stormed right through it. Bush released on September 20th 2001
the "National Security Strategy of the United States of America." It
is an ideological match to PNAC's "Rebuilding America's Defenses"
report issued a year earlier. In many places, it uses exactly the same language
to describe America's new place in the world. Recall that PNAC demanded an
increase in defence spending to at least 3.8% of GDP. Bush's proposed budget for
next year asks for $379 billion in defence spending, almost exactly 3.8% of GDP.
In August of 2002, Defense Policy Board chairman and PNAC member Richard Perle
heard a policy briefing from a think tank associated with the Rand Corporation.
According to the Washington Post and The Nation, the final slide of this
presentation described "Iraq as the tactical pivot, Saudi Arabia as the
strategic pivot, and Egypt as the prize" in a war that would purportedly be
about ridding the world of Saddam Hussein's weapons. Bush has deployed massive
forces into the Middle East region, while simultaneously engaging American
forces in the Philippines and playing nuclear chicken with North Korea.
Somewhere in all this lurks at least one of the "major theatre wars"
desired by the September 2000 PNAC report.
Iraq is but the beginning, pretence for a wider conflict. Donald Kagan, a
central member of PNAC, sees America establishing permanent military bases in
Iraq after the war. This is purportedly a measure to defend the peace in the
Middle East, and to make sure the oil flows. The nations in that region,
however, will see this for what it is: a jump-off point for American forces to
invade any nation in that region they choose to. The American people, anxiously
awaiting some sort of exit plan after America defeats Iraq, will see too late
that no exit is planned.
All of the horses are travelling together at speed. The defence contractors will
be handsomely paid for arming this new American empire. Those within the
administration who believe that the defence of Israel is contingent upon laying
waste to every possible aggressor in the region will have their dreams
fulfilled. The PNAC men who wish for a global Pax Americana at gunpoint will see
their plans unfold. Through it all, the bankrollers from the WTO and the IMF
will be able to dictate financial terms to the entire planet. This last aspect
of the plan is pivotal, and is best described in the newly revised version of
Greg Palast's masterpiece, "The Best Democracy Money Can Buy."
There will be adverse side effects. The siege mentality average Americans are
suffering as they smother behind yards of plastic sheeting and duct tape will
increase by orders of magnitude as our aggressions bring forth new terrorist
attacks against the homeland. These attacks will require the implementation of
the newly drafted Patriot Act II, an augmentation of the previous Act that has
profoundly sharper teeth. The sun will set on the Constitution and Bill of
Rights.
The American economy will be ravaged by the need for increased defence spending,
and by the aforementioned "constabulary" duties in Iraq, Afghanistan
and elsewhere. Former allies will turn on us. Germany, France and the other
nations resisting this Iraq war are fully aware of this game plan. They are not
acting out of cowardice or because they love Saddam Hussein, but because they
mean to resist this rising American empire, lest they face economic and military
serfdom at the hands of George W. Bush. Richard Perle has already stated that
France is no longer an American ally.
As the eagle spreads its wings, our rhetoric and their resistance will become
more agitated and dangerous. Many people, of course, will die. They will die
from war and from want, from famine and disease. At home, the social fabric will
be torn in ways that make the Reagan nightmares of crack addiction, homelessness
and AIDS seem tame by comparison. This is the price to be paid for empire, and
the men of PNAC who control the fate and future of America are more than willing
to pay it. For them, the benefits far outweigh the liabilities.
The plan was running smoothly until those two icebergs collided. Millions and
millions of ordinary people are making it very difficult for Bush's
international allies to keep to the script. PNAC may have designs for the
control of the "International Commons" of the Internet, but for now it
is the staging ground for a movement that would see empire take a back seat to a
wise peace, human rights, equal protection under the law, and the preponderance
of a justice that will, if properly applied, do away forever with the anger and
hatred that gives birth to terrorism in the first place.
The People versus the Powerful is the oldest story in human history. At no point
in history have the Powerful wielded so much control. At no point in history has
the active and informed involvement of the People, all of them, been more
absolutely required. The tide can be stopped, and the men who desire empire by
the sword can be thwarted. It has already begun, but it must not cease. These
are men of will, and they do not intend to fail.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------William
Rivers Pitt is a New York Times bestselling author of two books - "War On
Iraq" (with Scott Ritter) and "The Greatest Sedition is Silence".