Getting to Know India
Do
Indian Hindus Hate Muslims?
By
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai, India
After Prime
Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee's open season on Muslims and Islam, the first for
any leader of any nation in the world in recent memory, that gets the honour to
directly target Muslims and Islam, as world's pariah number one, Indian Muslims
do not need any further evidence to know that they are a hated lot. It is time
for them to reflect and introspect as to why they became the prime target of
Gujarat mob attacks that took the ominous shape of 'ethnic cleansing' and
genocide in India, widely believed to be under direct state sponsorship, as
amply proved by the constant defiant and unrepentant tone of all the officials
who were constitutionally bound under their oath of office to protect the lives
and properties of all the citizens of the country.
However, before we
proceed any further, we must define the word 'Hindus'. The word Hindu has
acquired a gross representation to mean all diverse castes and regional groups
that are generally and even legally referred to as 'Hindus'. In fact, different
castes, like Brahmins, Thakurs, Baniyas and the rest have acquired different
social and political equations with Muslims in the aftermath of work of the
Mandal Report on reservation in educational and employment opportunities for the
low castes. However, the predominant ideological confrontation with Muslims
continues to be spearheaded by upper castes, specially the Brahmins. They see
themselves as the leaders of all non-Muslim communities vis-à-vis the Muslims,
given the high status accorded to them by socio-religious order commonly known
as Manuvad.
It would be
appropriate to stress that even without Muslims coming into the picture, the
caste hierarchy had remained a source of constant friction, all through
thousands of years of recorded history in India; mainly due to inherent or
assumed injustices meted out to each other in the name of religiously ordained
caste groupings. As rights and responsibilities of each of such groups and
sub-groups were spelled out by scriptures and underpinned by local traditions
and common practices. The interaction between all such groups, though part of
that greater identification as Hindus vis-à-vis Muslims, always remained
controversial and a focal point of politics during the British Raj.
After independence,
the Brahmins emerged as the ruling group, not on the basis of their numerical
strength (they are around 4% of the 85% non-Muslim population of India), but on
the basis of caste superiority, and ‘intellectual and professional merit’
acquired over a period of time. Although it is not publicly acknowledged, the
Brahmins consider themselves to be superior being Aryan who came to India
thousands of years back from Central Asia. They are a distinct race as could be
made out by their appearance - light skin and Caucasian features. They brought
with them a language that still shares very broad but basic similarities with
other language groups in north Asia and Europe. They also brought with them a
set of spiritual traditions that were transformed by the impact of their new
abode in the Indian sub-continent which later crystallised into beliefs and
rituals that had been referred to as Sanatan
Dharam until the British Raj called it the Hindu faith.
There is a new
trend born of political considerations of self-preservation as well as
competition with the 'invader Muslims' to evolve theories that declare
Aryan-Brahmins as indigenous people. Spurious findings and elaborate theorising
has not yet established that they ' belong eternally to India' as one further
basis to assume the role of 'legitimate' rulers of the numerous and diverse
communities and ethnicities. But the campaign borne of deep-rooted insecurity is
even promoted at State level. The revision of the Indian history that was
undertaken again by the BJP Government is a part of the same obsession. The
difficulty in accepting Italian born Sonia Gandhi as the Prime Minister of India
too is directly related to the constant attempt at reviling Indian Muslims as
foreigners and therefore without any legal rights per
se to be counted as Indian citizen.
Throughout India's
59 years of independence, especially during the Congress rule, the Muslims have
been completely sidelined from the national mainstream. But they were
never-the-less exploited by the Congress as its captive ‘vote bank’.
Congress nourished the Muslim vote bank, not through any perks of office,
employment, economic uplift or land grants etc; it had its own unique view of
secularism that castigates all those who keep faith with their faiths.
Demonising propaganda combined with occasional crack of the communal whip
through anti-Muslim riots kept the Muslim community in fear and in its
stranglehold. This spurious 'appeasement' ensured that Muslims could not demand
‘rights or reservations’ which helped the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled
Tribes (STs) and Other Backward Castes (OBCs) to get their share in education
and employment. They could not jilt the Congress because the alternative was to
embrace trishul waving parties whose agenda was Hindutva.
After 40 long years
in opposition, Sangh Parivar led by the RSS, obsessed as they were with their
cherished dream of Hindu Rashtra, realised that they could never come anywhere
near the seat of power, as long as Muslims keep faith with the Congress Party.
This long spell of frustration crystallised a deep hatred for the Muslims, also
for democracy and secularism. They invented ‘Hindutva’ as the new polity for
India to replace both.
It is ironical that
both the polities that are competing to put their stamp on the Indian
socio-political structure and the system of governance, were organised and
promoted by Aryan/Brahmins themselves, as the sole intellectual leaders of the
new nation. The only difference was that Nehruvian democracy and socialism were
'handicapped' as it needed the Muslim votes to prop up its absolute majority. In
the case of Hindutva, they had determined to write off Muslims altogether; so
much so that even Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee did not flinch in throwing
an open challenge to Muslim voters during an assembly elections in the UP that
their party will win without Muslim votes.
The results proved
that the vote of the Muslims did make a difference in the eventual low ranking
of the BJP. Many believe that the origin of Gujarat riots were a revenge for
BJP's defeat in UP, which the BJP considered its fortress. However, the Gujarat riots also exposed a more sinister long
term agenda of the BJP and Sangh Parivar to ‘deal with the Muslim problem’
by a direct action. They view that the Muslims are the main cause of their
misfortune even after the partition in 1947. The hate is institutionalised; it
the main factor for uniting ALL Hindus including SCs, STs and OBCs wherever BJP
has influence or power. But the fact cannot be kept hidden forever; the majority
of the ‘Hindus’ are not of Aryan descent and they find the claims of
congenital superiority of Brahmin untenable in this egalitarian age.
In the wider
perspective, Aryan/Brahmins being at the head of caste hierarchy had
appropriated to themselves a host of privileges for presiding over widely
accepted rituals and traditions. All the caste groups had to abide by the
descending order of servility. The shudras,
who are the lowest of the low in the Manu-ordained hierarchy, outnumber the
Brahmins by a ratio of three to one. Any rebellion by them at any level was
immediately put down often by physical violence. In fact, the preferred mode of
telling an uppity group their place was physical violence. These traditions have
a very long history.
In a democratic
set-up based on universal adult franchise, the numbers matter. Though
Aryan/Brahmins have been able to conjure up majorities by marshalling all
'Hindu' castes against the 'foreign invaders', the Muslims - the progeny of
Babar - the attempt requires constant efforts. The Aryan/Brahmins cannot keep
their ruling privileges, if they relent anytime and let the Muslims consolidate
themselves or unite with other lower caste groups thus threatening their natural
constituencies.
All their attempts
to absorb the egalitarian Muslims into their caste social order have failed. The
Muslims are a universal community whose identity is founded on their religion -
Islam - that provides them worldwide links. In fact, the Muslim identity in
India has become sharper and more distinct as anti-Muslim riots have become more
deadly with genocide as the objective. The heightened tension with Muslims
cannot be sustained without in fact creating more dispersion in their own caste
order.
Muslim Umma
The Muslims
constitute a challenge because they cannot accept Aryans/Brahmins to be
naturally or religiously superior according to the teachings of Islam. Their
pride and independence based on rejection of Manu-order, their own personal law
and their preferred associations with their brothers in Islam across the world,
is a permanent problem. In their frustration, they think of the 'final solution'
that Hitler conceived for the Jews, which led to the destruction of the powerful
Third Reich. Beside being believers of a 'foreign' religion, 'Muslims' have
ruled India for close to a millennium. This history gives the group a sense of
superiority, whether felt or lived at grass-root level or not, but deeply
reacted to by the current ruling class. They feel that Muslims are still a
threat and can always make a come-back. Despite wholesale migration of the
Muslim to Pakistan and the oppressed social and economic conditions of Muslims,
the paranoia persists.
The gist of
Hindutva philosophy that was formulated by Hedgewar and Golwalker in the dying
years of British colonial rule, to forestall the Muslims coming to power of
again, is to divide and destroy Muslims of the subcontinent in a very
sophisticated, multi-pronged and structured manner to 'liberate' India for the
exclusive and unchallenged rule of Aryans/ Brahmins. Hindutva implies that the
Muslims may live in India, but not as Muslims, or rulers, or high castes, but as
shudras owing allegiance to
Aryan/Brahmins and obeying their diktat owing their very survival to the
pleasure of the Aryans/Brahmin - the unchallenged spokesmen of a contrived
majority.
What is ignored
generally is the fact that Muslims are not poised to challenge the supremacy of
Aryans/Brahmins in any thought out strategies. The Muslims are not offering
competition in any leadership contest, simply because they lack motivations and
ambitions; and are not really the progeny of 'Babar' as is erroneously made out.
In fact, majority of them are the real sons of the soil. However, as Muslims,
they are not prepared to change their religious and psycho-social sense of
identities anytime soon. The more they are subjected to Gujarat like pogroms,
the more they will be forced to mobilise their faculties to secure a safe place
in the polity but that could never be at the cost of their allegiance to Islam
and their aspiration to remain part of the international brotherhood of Muslim Umma.
The ruling class
could have come to terms with the Muslim and could positively co-opt them. As it
did not, the Muslims in India feel insecure. The tension is palpable; the
atmosphere feels like calm before the storm.
The storm could lead to a change in the ruling class. The new rulers
could co-opt the Muslims. But the Muslims are not holding their breath waiting.
Their global lines of communication in this age of globalisation are an asset.
Being intellectually resilient and flexible, they have not lost hope. With right
leaders, cool heads and wise policies, the Muslims could help India relieve the
debilitating tension that undermines India in all its endeavours. The Muslims
could be India's biggest asset.